The Result of the All party meeting

The all-party meeting on the Telangana issue on Tuesday failed to break any fresh ground, with parties divided on the creation of a separate state and indications emerged that there could be further discussions.

Protagonists of separate Telangana K Chandrasekhar Rao of TRS and BJP's Bandaru Dattareya demanded that the Centre take immediate steps for formation of the new state while Praja Rajyam chief Chiranjeevi made it clear that his party was for a united Andhra Pradesh.

The actor-turned-politician said he favoured constitution of a committee for the involvement of all groups to go into the issue. BJP opposed any further consultation. Rao, who is at the centre of the pro-Telangana campaign, said he was waiting for Centre's response.

Home Minister P Chidambaram, who talked to reporters after a meeting that lasted over four hours with leaders of eight political parties in Andhra Pradesh, admitted as much when he said it was quiet clear that parties were divided on the issue.

"It appears to me that no one is opposed to further consultations with other groups and stakeholders. Should such consultations become necessary, they were keen that it should be concluded within a reasonable time frame," he said.

Chidambaram said he told the leaders that he would take these views to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his senior cabinet colleagues and "I will come up with a decision or a statement of the government."

The leaders came out with a brief joint statement in which they appealed that peace, harmony and law and order should be maintained in the state. Dattatreya insisted that the Centre should come out with a separate Telangana bill in the Budget session of Parliament.

Chandrasekhar Rao's son K T Rama Rao told reporters that his party was satisfied with the way the meeting was conducted. "The meeting was conducted in an orderly fashion. Everyone was given an opportunity to convey his views. We are satisfied."

Majlis MP Asaduddin Owaissi suggested a high-powered committee of senior bureaucrats or national leaders to go into the future of Andhra Pradesh, and give its finding within a definite time frame so that a lasting solution could be found out to the satisfaction of all the three regions in the state.

In the meanwhile, he favoured imposition of President's rule in the state as there was no governance at the moment.

Earlier in his opening statement, Chidambaram made it clear that the agenda of the meeting was to "deliberate on the mechanism and lay down a road map for consultations".

Appealing to the leaders to show accommodation and goodwill and help the Centre find a solution, Chidambaram indicated that the Maoists would be happy if the political parties fail to hammer out a solution.

Muslims came out in support of the movement for the separate Telangana state formation.

Contrary to belief, the Muslim community has come out in support of the movement for the formation of a separate Telangana state. Muslims in the Telangana region feel that all these years they have been treated as outsiders in their own place and believe that once the state is formed, a lot of their problems will be solved. The community claim that as they are the main sufferers in a united state, the time has come to speak up and be heard collectively. Leading the movement in Hyderabad is Lateef Mohammad Khan, chief of the Muslim Forum For Telangana, who says that they are fed up of being branded as ISI agents and rowdy-sheeters.

In an interview to rediff.com's Vicky Nanjappa, Khan speaks extensively about the role Muslims want to play and how their lives would change once Telangana is formed.

We thought Muslims were opposed to the formation of Telangana. What happened? Why has that stand changed?

We have not changed our stand. Our stand was always for a separate Telangana. It was just a propaganda being floated by late chief minister YS Rajasekhara Reddy [ Images ] that the Muslims were opposing Telangana's formation.

The Majlis-e Ittihad al-Muslimin, which largely represents the Muslims, especially in Hyderabad, does not seem to have taken a stand on the issue. What are your thoughts about the same?

The MIM says they are in favour of the formation of a separate state. However, the Muslims in Hyderabad, at least, have some doubts about them. We have been told by reliable sources that we should not trust the MIM, as they are sitting on the lap of the Congress party which is against the formation of a separate state. However, the MIM cannot continue this way for long since the movement has gone into the hands of the people and eventually they will have to come around and support our cause.

There is a lot being spoken about the Nizam's rule. Some say that post-Telangana, the state would prosper as it did under the Nizam. What is the take of Muslims on this issue?

We agree that the Nizam's rule was feudal in nature. But, the Nizam protected the welfare of the people. He had imposed the 'Mulki' rule, under which in matters of education and employment preference would be given to the people of Telangana. There was another interesting rule, which was in force under the Nizam. People who migrated to and spent 14 years in Hyderabad were given equal rights. After the 1948 police action, Andhra people started migrating to Hyderabad. The people of Andhra were recruited in military and civil sectors and we, the people of Telangana, were told that we do not know English and Telugu. Some 28,000 Andhraites came here during 1968 and during 1986, 59,000 Andhra and Rayalseema region people illegally occupied jobs. During the Nizam rule, 'Mulki' rules were formed to protect the local people. All the agreements were violated the day after the formation of a United Andhra. At present, some 3,85,000 Andhra and Rayalseema people are occupying jobs in Telangana region. All these jobs are of Telangana, in which our share is included. Coastal Andhra people overlook the historical Charminar, saying that it will not provide any food, and hi-tech city would provide employment to lakhs of people and benefit of crores of rupees would be gained. We are nowhere today. We question them to point out a single Muslim in the hi-tech city. Hence, we feel that the 'Mulki' rule of the Nizam will be in place once Telangana is formed.

Is that not asking for too much? This is India, after all.

Why didn't anyone think in the past that we too are Indians? We have been deprived of our legitimate rights and I think that some focus exclusively needs to be given to us so that we are able to rise and prove ourselves.

You say the Nizam's rule was feudal. How would you compare the rule of the Nizam to the present-day Congress rule?

The Nizam had undertaken a lot of developmental works for the people of Telangana. Whatever he did was for the good of the people. However, the Congress has made the people think that we are lazy and speak a funny language. That is all we have gained. To cut a long story short, the Hindus in Telangana are called jokers and the Muslims terrorists.

How would the lives of Muslims change once Telangana is formed?

Once Telangana is formed, the Muslims will have a big part to play. We form 20 per cent of the population of Telangana. We will get more political representation and a Muslim could become a chief minister or at least a deputy chief minister. Till date, there has not been a single Muslim chief minister in Andhra Pradesh.

What about the real estate mafia? How has that changed the equation in today's fight for a separate state?

When 'Hyderabad' was a State, we were rich in wealth. The State had a lot of lakes and agriculture fields. Leafy vegetables were produced in the fields around Hyderabad. The leaders from Rayalseema and Andhra destroyed several acres of lands belonging to the wakf board. They also destroyed the lakes and ponds and used it to develop real estate. The people of Coastal Andhra became billionaires and Hyderabadi Muslims were forced to come on the roads. Telangana lost greatly in the past 50 years. Water was never supplied properly for irrigation and all our resources were always diverted. We are living under the worst conditions. Muslims have been committing suicide unable to pay loans and innocent girls are being married off to Arab Sheikhs for meagre sums. If at all change has to occur in our lives, we should have an equal share in employment and education and representation in politics -- for which a separate Telangana state is the only solution. The time has come to break our silence and as Hazrat Ali (son-in-law of Prophet Mohammed) had said, "There is no meaning for silence when there is a need to speak for justice."

Telangana Discussion has become the core agenda in centre

Congress President Sonia Gandhi will chair the meeting of the Congress Core Committee on Friday, where wide-ranging consultations will be held on the Telangana statehood issue. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Union Home Minister P Chidambaram, Defence Minister A K Antony and Gandhi's political secretary Ahmed Patel are also expected to attend the meeting.

Earlier on Thursday, Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) chief K Chandrasekhar Rao (KCR), who is leading the Telangana cause met Antony and discussed the issue. The Congress Core Committee will on Friday take into account all the earlier discussions held on the issue including the meeting that was convened by Chidambaram on Tuesday, where he had a meeting with the leaders of eight Andhra Pradesh political parties and discussed the issue.

Several separate meetings held over the last two days will also be taken note of in Friday's discussion. Chidambaram is expected to brief the members all the recent discussions that were held on the issue. Earlier, the Central Government had promised formation of a panel that would meet to take forward the process of wide ranging consultations on the Telangana issue as promised by Chidambaram. The committee is expected to take a final decision on the composition of the experts' panel on Telangana.

Telangana Can happen in two years

The Centre may be loathe to admit it at this juncture, but the formation of a separate state of Telangana may be just two years away. The home ministry, which is working on the formation of a committee to thrash out a roadmap, is expected to hold at least two rounds of consultations with the stakeholders. Although the two sides of Andhra Pradesh are engaged in mobilisation and counter-mobilisation, the Centre is aware that it cannot wriggle out of the promise. The Congress leadership, which debated the issue before home minister P Chidambaram made the statement on December 9, had endorsed the idea of splitting the state. But protests that ensued the announcement forced the government to recalibrate its stand.

There is expectation that tempers will cool down in the coming days. It would provide the government the required elbow room for kicking off the ground work for bifurcating the state. But there is acknowledgement that status of Hyderabad would prove to be knotty. The Telangana proponents have already said the city is non-negotiable. According to them, Hyderabad is the heart of Telangana, both historically and geographically. This could prompt the government to moot the idea of according a UT status to Hyderabad on the lines of Chandigarh. But unlike Chandigarh that shares borders with both Haryana and Punjab, Hyderabad lies deep within the proposed Telangana area.

Leaders from Andhra and Rayalseema, who made huge investments in Hyderabad, are certain to resist the idea of ceding Hyderabad to Telangana. Incidentally, much of the protests by Congress leaders over Hyderabad had its genesis in the “assets” issue. Meanwhile, TRS chief K Chandrasekhar Rao met Mr Chidambaram this afternoon to discuss the statehood issue. “It was a satisfactory meeting,” Mr Rao told reporters after deliberations lasting 30 minutes. Mr Rao also said he would be meeting the prime minister in a day or two.

Telangana history

What is described as the Telangana movement of 1969 actually commenced in December 1968 On 6th December1968, students took out a procession from Vivek Vardhini College in Hyderabad. The procession was attacked both by rowdies recruited by so-called integrationists and the police. In the melee that ensued along, several students were injured. Thus commenced the movement. Soon in Khammam and Warangal demonstrations were organised which later spread to Nizamabad and other parts of Telangana. Integrationists decided to organise a public meeting on 6th April 1969, at Buru Mahadev Hall, Secunderabad. Students gave a call for boycott of the meeting. The meeting to be addressed by a few Congressmen and Communists, was finally held but it was a very small gathering in a small hall. But thousands hand gathered outside the hall denouncing the holding of the meeting. Policemen opened fire on a totally peaceful crowd killing several young men. The martyrdom of young men was the spark that lit the fire all over Telangana. A little before this, at a meeting of intellectuals, it was decided to from an organisation called Tellangana Praja Samithi. Pratap Kishore and Raghuvee Rao were the prime movers behind this move. A.Madan, an advocate, was elected as President. Madan Mohan had no experience in politics and was chosen mainly because most others were employees in some organisation or the other. Under the banner of Telangana Praja Samithi, the movement spread to all corners of Telangana. A remarkable feature of this movement was its totally decentralised character. Praja Samithi and Students` Action Committees were formed everywhere without any direction from above. Whenever funds were required collections were made at the local level. By March 1969, the organisation was in shape to take on the Andhra Government.

After the police firing of 6th April the agitation began building up. Finally, the Praja Samithi decided to take out a rally to Raj Bhavan on 1st May 1969 which can be described as the golden day of the movement. The Government banned the rally. For about a kilometer on all sides of Charminar, movement of people was banned. Yet a night before hundreds had left their localities and taken shelter in Ghansi Bazar, Alijah Kotla, Kali kaman and Pathargatti areas around Charminar. Most of them were from the old city. The writer himself could reach Charminar after persuading armed policemen that he was going to offer pooja at the Charminar “Gudi’ (temple). For that purpose he carried coconut, arti karpoor and agarbattis. Of course, the pooja was performed, the only pooja he preformed in his life. Parikrama too was performed around Charminar and not merely around ‘Gudi’. By that time K.V.Ranga Reddy had arrived. He had become so weak that he could be taken to the Chabutra with the greatest difficulty. He was almost blinded and deaf. Yet when he spoken his voice was firm, not betraying old age. By the time he started speaking hundreds had gathered at the site defying thousands of armed policemen. He spoke very briefly. The last sentence of his speech will ever remain etched in my memory-”Ghulami Ki Zindagi se mouth acchi hai” (death is preferable to a life of slavery). Even before he could be escorted out of the place teargas cylinders were bursting all around.

The grand old man of Telangana had spoken and people spoken with their blood. More than a hundred teargas shells were fired at the procession. But there was no stopping the procession and by the time it reached Afzalgunj it had swelled to a few thousand. The police started firing at Siddiambar Bazar area which continued all along the procession route, till it reached Raj Bhavan. But even then firing continued intermittently and Umrender Rao, President of Secunderabad College Union (Evening), fell to a bullet near Raj Bhavan. It was said later that a section of Telangana policemen had refused to open fire in the Raj Bhavan area. Yet in spite of all the tear-gassing and firing the procession continued to swell and by the time it reached Raj Bhavan there were more then fifty thousand people. It was an amazing spectacle. Generally crowds disperse as soon as policemen open fire. But here was a procession which was swelling with every round of firing. By March itself Congressmen had started infiltrating the movement. Later they proved to be Trojan horses. They started propagating the pernicious thesis that the movement needed a `leader of stature` whatever it might mean. And they started canvassing for Channa Reddy, suggesting the resignation of Madan Mohan from Presidentship. Alternatively, they threatened to form a parallel samiti. At this critical juncture, courage and common sense were needed. White Madan Mohan proved to be totally spineless, B.Satyanarayana Reddy and Badri Vishaal Pittie supported Channa Reddy`s plans. Others followed him. On 21st May 1969, six months after the agitation was launched Channa Reddy who had nothing to do with the movement, became the President of Telangana Praja Samiti. The Trojan horse had entered the organisation. He started dismantling the organisation at every level, disbanding student, trade union, NGOs and women`s Committees. Centralised collection of funds started. Corruption seeped in. Yet the movement continued since it was still alive at the grassroots level. A call had been sent out to boycott examinations to be held from 1st June onwards. The NGOs` strike was continuing. The entire administration had been paralysed.

There was heavy police firing on 1st and 2nd June. Aruna a high school student, who was picketing an examination centre near Chandarghat was killed on 1st June, 1969. Several more student fell to police bullets all over Telangana. It was then that Indira Gandhi, healding a weak minority Government, paid a flying midnight visit to Hyderabad to pacify people, perhaps also to purchase some leaders. In the meantime a parallel Samiti was formed with M. Sridhar Reddy as Chairman who soon left for America. Channa Reddy announced the suspension of the movement even though Nagam Krishna Rao and Madan Mohan had been elected to the Assembly as people’s candidates. With the approach of 1971 midterm poll, the TPS decided to contest the election and won, inspite of Channa Reddy`s leadership. Channa Reddy in a volte-face announced the merger of TPS with the Congress. Students stormed the TPS office but Channa Reddy had escaped. The merger was a stunning blow to the people of Telangana and their aspirations. More than 370 had fallen to police bullets., hundreds more had been crippled. The people of Telangana were overcome with a sense of despair and hopelessness. They had made immense sacrifices even the movement was with drawn. What else were they expected to do ?

The Socialist Party, the Republican party and a few unattached intellectuals revived the agitation under the banner of TPS and gave a call for Telangana Bandh on 23rd November 1972, which was total. A young man was killed in police firing near Charminar. In the meantime, an agitation had been started for a separate Andhra State. Congressmen soon took over the reins of that movement also which was originally led by Tenneti Vishwanathan and Gouthu Lachanna. In fact. a joint committee to fight for two separate states of Andhra and Telangana was formed of which the writer was a member. Using the Channa Reddy model Congressmen took over the Jai Andhra movement, sabotaged it and demanded cancellation of all Telangana safeguards. Channa Reddy and his Congress followers collaborated with them and all the safeguards were taken away to be replaced later by the six Point Formula.

In the meantime 1972 Assembly elections had arrived and Sampurna Telangana Praja Samiti whose President was B.Satyanarayana Reddy and the writer, the Secretary, decided to contest 49 seats. Three candidates of STPS were victorious and a large number lost with narrow margins. All this without any resources. But the decline had started and by the end of 1972 the agitation petered out. It was the longest, most spontaneous, non-party, toughest, most-intense and the greatest movement of free India. It was a totally peaceful movement. Yet those who are never tired of calling themselves followers of Gandhi unleashed the most terrible violence on the movement. Telangana had been turned into a National Police Museum. Malabar Special Police, Maharashtra Armed Police, Uttar Pradesh Armed Constabulary, Jammu Kashmir Militia, Karnataka Armed Police, Tamil Nadu Armed Police, Bihar Armed Police companies were posted all over Telangana. The Gorkha Marhatta regiments of the army were also deployed. In fact officers of the Gorkha Regiment were amazed at the ability of Telangana people to improvise new forms of agitation. Gorkhas came face to face with a 8 feet high barricade in Hussaini Alam area and could not believe that it was erected by civilians !

Yet most horrible atrocities were inflicted on the citizens. Lakhs went to jail. Most school and college buildings in Telangana had been turned into prisons. With Telangana jails full, detainees were sent to Rajahmundry and Vizag jails. White no Andhra was touched in Telangana two Telangana citizens were burnt alive in the Andhra area. We were witnessing the unfolding of regional fascism of the worst kind.

I cannot forget a few incidents. In the 1952 agitation the shirt of a slain student had been turned into a flag-the red flag of anger, martyrdom and relentless battle was fluttering in the air and policemen were firing at the procession on the Abids Chowrasta. On women’s satyagraha in 1969 day I saw hundreds of women, from the age of 15 to 75 marching along the Puranapul-Hussaini Alam road towards Charminar and being lathicharged by policemen, On another day about twenty young men singing, an Urdu song “Telangana, Telangana Telangana ki Jai” were marching towards a police platoon posted near Charminar to stop processions. There are thousand of such stories. A leaderless agitation head emerged morally victorious even though politically betrayed. But the movement continued, undaunted by betrayals. Twice every year large numbers gathered at the Martyrs Memorials in Secunderabad and Hyderabad and paid tributes to martyrs. In January, 1986 some activists decided to form `Telangana Information Trust`. Soon “Ma Telangana” was launched, which was closed down after seven months due to financial troubles. More then a thousand people had gathered at its inaugural function at Basant Talkies, Kachiguda,. Around 1991 two organisations, Telangana Student Front and Telangana Liberation Students Organisation were launched in Osmania Universty. In 1992 the Kakatiya Unit of Telangana Students Front was formed. A national seminar on small state was held in Landscape Gardens and Tagore Auditorium in August 1993 . Surendera Mohan inaugurated the conference and Justice Madhav Reddy addressed the gathering. George Fernandes addressed the concluding session. Delegates from various parts of the country including Vilas Bhongade from Vidarbha and Laxman Dasti from Hyderabad-Karnatak attended the conference. Both TSF and TLSO organised demonstrations on and outside O.U.campus and forced Osmania University to sanction 15 per cent supernumerary seats to Telangana students.

Stirrings of a new movement could be clearly seen in Warangal on 1st November 1996 at the Telangana Praja Samiti convention attended by more than five thousand delegates from all parts of Telangana. The Hyderabad convention was held on 1st December 1996 and after that a series of conferences, group and public meetings have been held at Godavarikhani, Karimnagar, Siddipet,Jangaon, Aler, Ghanpur, Nizamabad, Khammam, Nalgonda, the old city of Hyderabad and Bhongir. The Bhongir conference and the public meeting proved to be a turning point. The Bhongir conference was addressed among other by Kaloji Narayan Rao, Dr. Jayashankar, Prof.P.L. Vishweshwer Rao, Dr.Srinivasulu, Sidda Reddy, Dr.Simhadri and many others who had come from all parts of Telangana. The public meeting presided over by shri Mallayya Gupta, a respected Communist leader and addressed by Gaddar among others was a huge gathering, much beyond the expectations of organisers. Gaddar called upon the people to launch a totally peaceful agitation for achievement of a separate state while the writer called for a new type of leadership from grassroots upwards, emphasizing total control over leaders by masses. A mong parties opposing the Telangana movement of 1969 were the Communist party, Jan Sangh and Majlis-Ittehadual-Muslimeen. While the first two represented upper-caste, upper-class section of the Andhra area, the Majlis represented upper-caste, upper-class, and non-Daccani section. However both Hindus and Muslims supported the movement and dealt a crushing blow to all the above mentioned parties in the 1971 Lok Sabha elections. The role of Daccani and Urdu in the Telangana movement cannot be ignored. While Telugisation is a historical and necessary process it would be a folly to ignore Urdu and Daccani. Such an act would be a repetition of Nizam`s mistake in ignoring Telugu, Marathi, Hindi and Kannada. Hindi and Urdu are based on Dahhani and Khadi Boli. They are a part of our heritage. Who can forget the part played by Maqdoom Mohiuddin, Ibrahim Jalles, Sulaiman Areeb, Raja Dube, Jeelani Bano, Om Prakash Nirmal and many others who have enriched the politics and culture of Telangana through their. writings. The Andhra elite in their linguistic chauvinism of regarding Guntur Telugu as the only Telugu have tried to rodeo roughshod over Telangana Telugu and Daccani as also Hindi, Urdu, Marathi, and Kannada, Similarly tribal language were sought to be destroyed. New Telangana will nurture all these languages which are a part of our cultural and literary heritage.

Telangana now stands on the verge of another movement for liberation from aliens and for participatory politics. What the people of Telangana do now and how colonialists react will decide the future course of Indian politics. The demand for small states is a demand for responsible and participatory politics. The Telangana movement of 1969 was the first Indian struggle for economic and cultural autonomy. The movement going on now has added a demand for social emancipation. This is as it should be. The whole world is moving towards liberation from racism, sexism and casteism. Telangana has stood in the vanguard of such movements for the last fifty years and awaits correct leadership. What then shall we do now? The job is not to liberate Telangana from a colonial system but also to liberate Andhras from their selfishness and greed which is increasing in leaps and bounds. The liberation of Andhras, however, can only commence with the formation of a separate state of Telangana. How do we visualise Telangana? Because people are asking us for whom Telangana is sought to be formed? What is the point in fighting for Telangana if nothing is to change? One thing that will change for sure is that we will have control over our resources, jobs and education. But, that has to be only the beginning. Other policies have to be visualized and projected.

Towards A History Of The Telangana Movement

A dying feudalism is only a part of the problem. After all, feudalism has been a national problem. But in Telangana, it received hammer blows at the hands of the Socialist and Communist struggles of the forties. It received a fillip at the hands of Andhra rulers in the fifties and sixties who pushed the Hyderabad Tenancy Act under the carpet. But now it is on its last legs slowly getting converted into elitist professions and an incipient capitalism. Caste too is a part of the problem, though the Arya Samaj Movement of the thirties and forties tried to resolve it in its own manner. The weakness of the movement was that it was largely an urban movement, failing to effectively penetrate the countryside. Communalism too is a part of the problem, albeit a small part, being basically an urban phenomenon bound up with history and race memory. The basic problem of the Deccan, of which Telangana is a part, was and is total denial of participation to local people in the affairs of the state. It was not always so. Tribal kingdoms and the Kakatiyas Empire were, to the extent possible then, participatory systems, based on the concept of the welfare of people.

The attack on the participatory system came during Bahmani rule which was basically a military and imperial system. Such a system which depended on foreign mercenaries for its survival had to be exploitative, cruel and anti-local. It depended on foreign recruits even though local soldiers were available. It had to because its aim was not the welfare of people but a luxurious style of life for the foreign ruling class. Locals, both Muslims and Hindus, revolted against this, resulting first in the massacre of foreigners, Iranians and Turks, followed by decimation of local soldiers and subjugation of the countryside. The valiant Yadava queen of Golkonda fought against the Bahamanis with a small force against overwhelming odds and died a martyr. The revolt of the locals in Bidar and the Golkonda battle can be described as the first stirrings for self-rule in the Deccan. Most Qutub Shahis, on the other hand, tried to reconcile their political interests with the well-being of people. The use of the Telangana language as a vehicle both in cultural and administrative matters brought about a sense of participation in the local population. The martyrdom of Akkanna and Madanna at the hands of traitors, the resistance of Abdul Razzak Laari and the arrest and detention of Abul Hasan Tanasha, the last Qutub Shahi king, by Aurangazeb, reversed the process. The system relapsed into imperialism and the militant mentality and people into sullen silence.

The Asafjahis were aliens and their support base was mainly the north Indian gentry. They brought thousands of north-Indians to man the administration. Though Mahbub Ali Pasha, the Sixth Nizam, was a folk king, the process continued till it was challenged during the reign of the Seventh Nizam, by local Muslims who launched what is described as the Mulki (local) movement. The movement was successful and the Nizam created Mulki rules to protect local interests. During the same period Gonds of Adilabad revolted against oppressive rule. The Nizam invited Hammendorf, a reputed German anthropologist, to report on the state of affairs in tribal areas and suggest reforms. His proposals were accepted and martyrdom of Bhim did not go in vain.

Though it was laudatory that Urdu, an Indian language, was used as the language of administration and education, other language like Telugu, Marathi and Kannada also should have been used. It did not happen. The Arya Samajis too taught Hindi in their night schools, avoiding local languages. Local people, both Hindus and Muslims, were ridiculed for not knowing proper Urdu which of course meant Urdu of Lucknow and Delhi and not the Dakhani language. The Dakhani language, a beautiful product of interaction between Iranian settlers and the people of the Deccan speaking Telugu, Marathi and Kannada was totally ignored.

Events before the police Action and after were traumatic. Five thousand socialists, communists and common people died fighting Nizam`s feudal system and the Razakars, a paramilitary organisation of the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslameen. Policemen and Razakars also suffered heavy casualties. Then came the Police Action. While there was not much violence in Telangana after the Police Action, Hyderabad-Karnataka and Marathwada presented a different picture.

From 1948 to 1956 Telangana passed through several phases-Military rule, Velodis rule and the induction of a popular government after elections in 1952. with Burugul Ramakrishna Rao as Chief Minister. The Hyderabad Tenancy Act, one of the most progressive acts in the history of modern India, was passed and partly implemented. The period between 1952 to 1956 can be described as the happiest period for the people of Telangana for a long time. The Hyderabad State could have continued its happy existence but for the decision to form linguistic states. Nehru and Lohia, in fact, advocated its continuance. But, as on many occasions in the past the people of Telangana were betrayed by a section of its leadership. Ostensibly on caste grounds. Brahmins belonging to the Congress raised the bogey of Reddy rule. Thus was formed Andhra Pradesh, much against the recommendations of the Fazal Ali Commission and advice of Nehru and Lohia.

The Andhra leadership still smarting at the ill-treatment meted out to them by the Tamil ruling ruling class in the old Madras Presidency, transferred the injury to the people of Telangana. But it was not merely a collective psychological problem. What was important was the lust for power and money of the feudal classes of the Andhra area, Kammas, Reddys and Brahmins. While Brahminic influence was eliminated by kammas, Reddys their own lust for land, power and money increased. They agreed lusted for the river waters of Telangana. Kammas, for a long time had been lusting for power. Their anti-Brahminism had nothing to do with the elimination of the caste system. They only wanted to replace Brahminic rule with their own dispensation. But Reddys of Rayalaseema, in alliance with the frustrated feudal elements of Telangana, checkmated them. Thus, Telangana Reddys of Rayalaseema continued to hold on to their lands and despotic power inspite of land reforms. They subjected Telangana feudals to every type of humiliation imaginable. Yet a character from this class betrayed the great peoples` movement for Telangana of 1968-1972.

As early as 1952, people of Hyderabad had revolted against alien rule. Six students laid down their lives in the anti-non-Mulki agitation. This agitation too was betrayed as also the 1956 agitation against the merger of Telangana with the Andhra State. Such is the character of Telangana leadership. Let the people beware!

The Naxalite movement itself was a product of the betrayal of the 1968-1972 movement as also tardy implementation of land reforms by the Coastal area-Rayalaseema feudal coalition. It is absurd to say that there is no feudalism in Andhra area. It is in fact along with north Bihar, the most despotic feudal system of India. Like North Bihar, it is a totally castist system too. can anybody imagine anything like Karamchedu and Chundur happening in Telangana? While both the feudal system and the caste system in Telangana have become extremely weak, they have been strengthened in the Andhra area with the influence of film capital and misuse of Telangana resources for agricultural development. A marauding capitalism has been superimposed on a casteist and feudal society. The ill-gotten film wealth and colonial exploitation of Telangana water and power resources have created an insane society. This can be seen in the casteisation and feudalisation of the communist parties. The Congress and Telugu Desam of course are the official representatives of this insanity. An attempt is being made to paper over contradictions in the Andhra area by throwing some crumbs to other castes and turning them into a comprador class. All the contradictions of the Andhra area are sought to be resolved by involving oppressed sections into a wholesale exploitation of Telangana link what was done by the ruling classes of West Pakistan in the then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Wholesale exploitation of Telangana resources for the benefit of the Andhra area is accompanied by attacks on the way of life of Telangana people. In fact, the insistence on the formation of Andhra Pradesh was itself with the intention of taking control of Telangana resources. A separate Hyderabad State or Telangana would have prevented such a take-over. But people can be totally enslaved only when their language and culture are destroyed. The Andhra burden is a continuation of the notion of white man’s burden. Those humiliated by the British and the Tamil ruling class have not learnt any lessons. They imagine that they can lord it over Telangana indefinitely. The British also thought so. The sun however has set on the British empire.

Telangana language is no Telugu, Telangana people are lazy, and they are also fools and criminals at the same time: Such are the officially sanctioned Andhra attitudes. While the entire country lauds Hyderabad and its way of life the Andhra rulers are never tired of saying that Telangana people are uncultured. Thus, the suicidal attempt to subjugate Telangana permanently continues. Even the recent outburst of kapu anger after the planned killing of Mohan Ranga has been forgotten. It is one of ironies of history that oppressors do not seem to learn anything from the searing experience of history.

Telangana Students Garjana

 A student capturing memorable moments at the ‘Vidhyarthi Garjana’ at Arts College on OU campus in Hyderabad on Sunday.

The Joint Action Committee of Telangana Students has asked all the political parties clarify their stand on separate Telangana ahead of the crucial meeting convened by Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram in New Delhi on January 5. The JAC has resolved to continue its agitation across the region till the Central Government introduces a Bill on Telangana in Parliament, incorporating a specific timeframe for carving out the separate State. The JAC threatened that it would not allow the leaders who speak against Telangana in the January 5 meeting to move freely in the region.

Massive turnout

The JAC leaders were addressing a massive gathering of students from the 10 districts of Telangana that thronged the “Vidyarthi Garjana” public meeting at Osmania University campus here on Sunday. The JAC gave a call for ‘rail roko’ and blockade of National Highways on January 5 in support of the demand for statehood to the region. Threatening to launch an agitation on the lines of Gujjars in Rajasthan, the JAC leaders said they could not be cowed down by the government which was bent on using lathis and bullets against the peacefully agitating students.

They questioned the decision of the Telangana Ministers to withdraw their resignations and said the students of the region would ensure their re-election. Amid chants of ‘Jai Telangana’ and songs rendered by cultural troupes from the region, the meeting resolved to demand that the government lift the cases registered against students since the agitation commenced on November 29 in addition to providing ex gratia of Rs. 10 lakh and a job each to families of people who died in the course of the agitation.

The meeting was devoid of representatives of any political parties in line with the direction given by the High Court even as the speakers who addressed the gathering wanted the students to lead the agitation to ensure its success. Freedom fighter Konda Lakshman Bapuji cautioned students against allowing interference by political parties as only student force was capable of taking it to a fruitful conclusion.

Telangana students GARJANA LIVE VIDEOS

'Palle-Palleku Telangana’ programme launched

Palle-Palleku Telangana programme was taken up in the district by pro-Telangana activists on Sunday.

The programme began with the Minister for Small Scale Industries D.K.Aruna flagging a huge motor cycle rally at Gadwal town in the district. Under the programme the Telangana activists will explain to the people in the villages about the necessity of separate Telangana. To express their protest Telangana activists have prepared food and had community lunch on the road near Kothakota town in the district. Tribals took out an impressive rally in support of separate Telangana in Achampet town in Nallamala forest area. According to reports activists of Telangana lay seize to the office of the Tahasildar at Jadcherla town.

Different kinds of protest demonstrations were on in many towns in the district. In Mahabubnagar town members of JAC of teachers and employees took out a huge motorcycle rally. Members of ABVP also took out a rally demanding separate Telangana in the town. While the relay hungers strikes by members of JAC, students and other organizations continued on Sunday also.

Latest moves of The government evokes mixed reactions in TELANGANA

The decision of the central government to call a meeting January 5 of leaders of eight recognised political parties of Andhra Pradesh to discuss bifurcation of the state to carve out a Telangana state evoked contradictory reactions within the ruling Congress and the main opposition Telugu Desam Party (TDP). With the two major parties vertically divided on regional lines, the leadership is now in a dilemma on the stand to be taken at the meeting. While leaders of the Congress in Telangana hoped that the party would take a clear stand in support of a separate statehood, their counterparts in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema were equally confident that the party would go by their views for a unified Andhra Pradesh.

The central government's move also added to the confusion in the TDP as to what stand it should take at the meeting. TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu went into a huddle with senior party leaders to chalk out a strategy. The parties, by and large, welcomed the decision but said they would wait for the agenda before making any comments. All-party Joint Action Committee (JAC) convenor Kodandaram said it was a welcome step but added that JAC would take a united stand after discussions with all the parties. Both Congress and TDP are included in the JAC. It was also not yet clear as to how many leaders from each party would attend the meeting.

Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) chief K Chandrasekhara Rao also began consultations with his party colleagues to take a stand. TRS leader Vidyasagar Rao said the process for formation of Telangana state had already started and the meeting was called to discuss the modalities. Congress MP from Telangana Sarve Satyanarayana hailed the central government's move and said this would expose the parties which took a u-turn on the issue after the government made a statement on December 9 to initiate the process for formation of Telangana state. "No matter what one says at the meeting, the party president Sonia Gandhi has already decided to carve out Telangana state and nobody can now stop it," he said. Congress MPs from Andhra and Rayalaseema regions were hopeful that their views against statehood to Telangana would be heard at the meeting.

While the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Communist Party of India (CPI) support the demand for Telangana state, the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) and Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) may oppose it. Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) has still not taken a clear stand on the issue. Meanwhile, the Joint Action Committee of Osmania University students said the agitation for Telangana would continue. The committee felt that the meeting would serve no purpose and that the central government should immediately start the process with a time-frame.

Chidambaram adding fuel to fire on Telangana issue

Union Home Minister P Chidambaram was criticised by two opposition parties in Andhra Pradesh -- Telugu Desam and Praja Rajyam -- which said he was "adding fuel to fire" over the contentious Telangana issue. Chidambaram also became the target of attack of BJP, with the party alleging that his statements on the separate statehood demand were only compounding the confusion.

"He (Chidambaram) is against the bifurcation of his native state Tamil Nadu but is ready to divide AP. Why these double standards? It only exposes the vengeful attitude of Chidambaram against the fast-developing Andhra Pradesh," TDP senior MLAs Dhulipalla Narendra Kumar and Bojjala Gopalakrishna Reddy said in Hyderabad. Addressing a press conference at the Telugu Desam Legislature Party office, the MLAs alleged that the Union Home Minister was "adding fuel to fire" through his statements on the Telangana issue and pushing AP into further turmoil. "Except vested interests, there is absolutely no basis for division of AP. If backwardness is a basis for bifurcation, then there are many backward areas even in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions," they said. They wondered how the Centre could go ahead with the proposed bifurcation of the state when there was no consensus even within the ruling United Progressive Alliance.

"Sharad Pawar, Mamata Banerjee and Dayanidhi Maran have opposed the formation of Telangana. Even the Samajwadi Party and the Rashtriya Janata Dal are also against this. Why are you not taking this into account? Moreover, has the Union Cabinet ever discussed the bifurcation issue and framed any guidelines for that," the leaders questioned Chidambaram. Narendra and Gopalakrishna took strong exception to the all-party meeting convened by the Centre on January 5, saying that it has been done even before normalcy returned to the state. "This will only stoke the passions further and worsen the situation in Andhra Pradesh," they claimed.

On the other hand, TDP politburo member Nagam Janardhana Reddy, a Telangana supporter, too lashed out at Chidambaram. saying his statements on statehood issue "lacked consistency". "He (Chidambaram) is speaking one thing in New Delhi and another in Chennai. He seems to be ignoring the people's wishes on such a critical issue," Nagam said. Senior Praja Rajyam Party leader K Kala Venkata Rao came down on Chidambaram alleging that a deep conspiracy was being hatched under his leadership to split Andhra Pradesh, the largest state in south India. "If backwardness is the reason for the proposed bifurcation of AP, then the country should also be divided into a thousand pieces," he said. Senior BJP leader and former Union minister Ch Vidyasagar Rao said in Karimnagar that Chidambaram's statements on the separate statehood demand were only compounding the confusion. "The Congress itself doesn't have a clear view on the Telangana issue. Then there is no meaning for the all-party meeting on the 5th," Vidyasagar Rao said.

Telangana students build pressure ahead of meet

Ahead of Tuesday’s all-party meeting on Telangana, the Centre on Sunday came under immense pressure from students in the Telangana region to move forward on its statehood commitment. The pro-Telangana voices demanded a legislation in Parliament for the creation of a separate state and asked for a time-frame from the Centre for the same.

The ‘Vidyarthi Garjana’ (students’ roar for Telangana) saw a massive congregation of young activists at the Osmania University (OU) campus on Sunday evening. Lakhs of students from the 10 districts of Telangana gathered at OU. They said there was no need for a resolution in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly for creation of Telangana.

The mere fact of their showing up in large numbers was itself a message to both the Congress-led UPA at the Centre as well as Telangana’s political leaders that, for them, there could be no going back on the statehood promise. They warned TDP’s N Chandrababu Naidu PRP’s Chiranjeevi not to vacillate or make U-turns on the issue of creation of Telangana. Some of the speakers even spoke of razing Gandhi Bhawan, the state Congress headquarters, and NTR Bhawan, the TDP’s head office, if Telangana was not created. Poet Varavara Rao, who addressed the meet, said it was the right of Telangana people to fight for a separate state and to free themselves from the “exploitation” of coastal Andhra and Rayalseema. Meanwhile, TRS chief K Chandrasekhara Rao, who has emerged as the political face of the Telangana movement, left for New Delhi to attend Tuesday’s meeting to be attended by all political parties from Andhra Pradesh convened by Union home minister P Chidambaram. He said he would meet leaders like RJD’s Lalu Prasad, RLD’s Ajit Singh and NCP’s Sharad Pawar to convince them about the need for a resolution in Parliament on Telangana.

But on Sunday, the focus was on the students’ meeting in Hyderabad. Osmania University Students Joint Action Committee (JAC) alleged that hundreds of students were being stopped from reaching the meeting venue by police at various places in the Telangana region. The Andhra Pradesh High Court had given conditional permission to the JAC to hold the meeting after the Hyderabad police commissioner had denied them permission fearing a law and order problem. However, court allowed the ‘garjana’ but with conditions which stipulated a time-limit for the meeting and directed against rallies, provocative speeches, presence of political leaders. The show of strength by the students has put the Centre in a difficult position as a move by it to delay the Telangana process is bound to invite a strong reaction from them. The January 5 meeting has therefore assumed significance as it will be watched closely to gauge the Centre’s intentions on the vexed statehood issue. Finding a middle ground would be difficult for the Centre as most parties, including the ruling Congress and the main opposition, the TDP, are split down the middle. What will put even more pressure on the Centre is that the discussions in the Capital will be held in the backdrop of a shutdown in the entire state. Both the Telangana and anti-Telangana groups have issued ‘rail-and-road roko’ calls for Tuesday.

108 Facts about Telangana - need and justification

108 Facts about Telangana - need and justification

1) Catchment area of Krishna Basin
Rayalaseema 18%
Andhra 13%
Telangana 69%

Allocation of Krishna water as per tribunal recommendation=
Rayalaseema 16%
Andhra 49%
Telangana 35%

Actual utilization
Rayalaseema 13%
Andhra 87%
Telangana less than 1%

2) Godavari river catchment area
Telangana 79% (1170 TMC)
Andhra 21% (310 TMC)

Utilization of Godavari waters
Andhra 23% (320 TMC i.e. 110% of allotted)
Telangana 9.6 % (143 TMC)
405 TMC is being diverted to Andhra via Polavaram project

3) Total loss of water share of Telangana merging with Andhra is 1125 TMC.With estimation of 1 TMC to serve 10,000 acres, total cultivation land Telangana lost is 11, 25,000 acres.

4) There are 10 districts in Telangana, 9 in Andhra, 4 in Rayalaseema. Out of these 7 districts in Telangana, 3 in Andhra and 1 in Rayalaseema are considered severely backward districts which means 70% of districts in Telangana are backward while in Andhra - 35% and in Rayalaseema - 25%

5) 65% of Industries in Telangana are owned by Andhra.One Telangana person (close relative of Sri Jaipal Reddy) tried to start industry in west Godavari, he was harassed and tormented so much that he gave it up half way through.

6) All Telangana region CM's combined tenure is hardly 6 years.

7) From past 50 years AP got nearly 40 major projects in which 37 went to Seemandhra region

8) Telangana side:
- SLBC (30 TMC) not taken up
- SLBC beyond Musi river (20 TMC) not taken up
- RDS extension (10 TMC) not taken up
- LIS to high level areas in Mahabubnagar not taken up
- Bheema LIS 20 TMC under construction for many years

Seemandhra side:
- Telugu Ganga project (29 TMC) completed
- SRBC (19 TMC) completed
- KC canal extension completed (10 TMC)
- Upland areas Brahmamgari matham reservoir (10 TMC) completed
- SRBC beyond Gorakallu (20TMC) under construction
- Puchintala evaporation losses (5 TMC) under construction
- Veligonda not recommended project (40 TMC) almost completed
- Handrineeva sujala sarvanthi not recommended (38 TMC) almost completed
- Galerunagari sujala sravanthi not recommended (38 TMC) is under construction

9) Pothireddypadu regulator was originally created for drinking water to Chennai with 5 TMC. Gradually 5 projects were ‘piggy backed’ & augmented to canal. In the name of Chennai drinking water, Rayalaseema leaders wanted to take away the entire waters of Srisailam reservoir.

10) Veligonda project is being constructed on war footing basis. This will drain 60 TMC of water from Srisailam. This project is not allotted (water share by tribunal) and do not have clearance till now.

11) Handrineeva Srujana Sravanthi, not allotted not cleared project is going on war footing now. It will run through chittoor via Anantapur.

12) SLBC - Srisailam Left Bank Canal, despite of all recommendations, Clearances and permissions never started. This would have provided 30 TMC for 3 Lakh acres in Nalgonda district.

13) Manuguru thermal power station proposed by Central govt due to proximity of coal mines was lobbied to be shifted to Vijayawada, transporting coal from telangana (singareni). This led to shortage of power due to pump set usage by Telangana farmers.

14) Ramagundam super thermal power station (2500 MW) transferred to NTPC,crippling power ownership of state by which we get only 27% of power produced and rest is pooled in national grid.

15) Dummugudem Hydal power station never even started construction – this remained a promise on paper.

16) Icchampalli power (975 MW) project never started.

17) Power regulatory mechanisms – 220 KV, 132 KV, 32 KV substations and lines never realized in Telangana region.

18) If Mumbai is not a free-zone, Delhi is not a freezone, Kolkatta is not a free zone, Chennai is not a free zone, Pune is not a freezone … why should Hyderabad be a freezone ? Andhra enthusiasts hailing Hydrabad being a free zone, were demanding entire Telangana should be freezone.

19) Telangana covers 41.7% area, Seemandhra 58.3% area. Telangana has 40.5% population , Seemandhra 59.5%. Telangana revenue is 53% to the state exchequer.

20) 1953 Andhra Pradesh the area irrigated under TANKS in the Telangana 11 lakh acres. Now it is hardly 6.5 lakh acres.

21) Andhra 9 districts – funds spent on education – Rs 1308.56 Crores Rayalaseema 4 dist – funds spent on education – Rs 382.87 Crores Telangana 10 districts – funds spent on education – Rs 163.39 Crores

22) Literacy – Andhra (9 districts) 42%, Rayalaseema (4 districts) 38%,
Telangana (10 districts) 30%

23) Andhra 9 districts – schools 26,800 Rayalaseema 4 dist – schools 13,000 Telangana 10 dist – 17,954

24) Hospitals Andhra (9 dist) 666, Rayalaseema (4 dist) 303, Telangana (10 dist) 270

25) Total Govt employees – Seemandhra (13 districts) 9 lakhs, Telangana (10 dist) 3 lakhs

26) IAS/IPS/IFS officers (civil services) – Andhra (9 dist) 225, Rayalaseema (4 dist) 50, Telangana (10 dist) 60

27) Industries (small/medium/large) – Andhra (9 dist) 6,100, Rayalaseema (4 dist) 773, Telangana (10 dist) 1250

28) Power Utilization Andhra (9 dist) 54% - Rayalaseema (4 dist) 23% - Telangana (10 dist) 23%

29) Nagarjuna sagar project – Andhra submerged land = 0, cultilavation land 20 lakh acres. Telangana submerged land = 100%, cultivation land 4.5 lakh acres

30) Polavaram project is submerging 250 small villages in Telangana, displacing 5 lakh tribal’s are going to provide lakhs of acres cultivation land to Andhra.

31) Grant-in-aid Private Degree colleges Andhra (9 dist) - 96, Rayalaseema (4 dist) - 32, Telangana (10 dist) - 30

32) There are more than 130 posts of heads of departments. Out of them only 7 or 8 are held by the officers belonging to the Telangana region.

33) Sales Tax collection (2001- 2002) – Andhra 21%, Rayalaseema 5%, Telangana 74%

34) Excise Collections (2001-2002) – Andhra 24%, Rayalaseema 10%, Telangana 66%

35) APPSC – Andhra Pradesh public service commission board members so
far, 8 from Andhra, 6 from Rayalaseema, 2 from Telangana.

36) Telanganites constitutes 23% in all industries in Telangana area, 0% in Andhra, Rayalaseema area

37) All housing board colonies in capital city – 93% people are from Seemandhra.

38) Govt Libraries – Andhra (9 districts) 630, Rayalaseema (4 dist) 243,Telangana (10 dist) 450.

39) In 70’s – Jublee hills lands were purchased at Rs 105 per acre. Total acres 1400. All Telanganites living in that area were thrown out, jublee hills housing society did not have a single Telanganite.

40) Panchayat Raj divisions – Andhra (9 dist) 883, Rayalaseema (4 dist) 342,Telangana (10 dist) 295.

41) Most backward district in AP is Mahabubnagar, was granted 4% white ration cards. Most developed dist in AP is West Godavari dist was given 7% white ration cards.

42) 100% power of Vizag thermal (simhadri) is being used for Andhra only, but 27% power of Ramagundam is being used for A.P.

43) 82% of farmers are depending on private loans in Telangana

44) If development was the justification for keeping an alien ruler in place, India should have never been free from British rule !

45) There was no single drop of water in Palanadu 350yrs ago, it was like a desert. Now, entire Telangana canal irrigation land is less than Guntur dist alone.

46) Rs 60 crores of surplus budget was the pride of Telangana in 1948. When Andhra state was formed – it had only 1 Crore in hand given by Madras govt, and Shri Raj Gopalachari said ‘Get lost from here’.

47) Dr.B.R.Ambedkar suggested Hyderabad second capitol of India. He said
Hyderabad is better than Delhi.

48) Government buys sugar cane from farmers (per quintal) in Andhra – Rs 1200, Telangana –Rs 890 Andhra lands are canal cultivated – Telangana depend on bore wells.

49) Andhrites converted Telangana -WAKF lands in to revenue lands in the era of real-estate boom, Lanco is main culprit in this, remember Muslim brothers shouted ‘go back’ at Lagadapati ?

50) 150 forts are about to ruin in the Telangana which were built by various dynasties. They are symbols of great cultural heritage.

51) Hyd Central University is filled with Andhraits – every Central University in India has 60% reserved for local region. Except HCU.

52) Pranahita project, there is no staff, no sufficient funding, don’t even have proper office, but Andhra ruler says project will be completed 4yrs

53) There are never any difficulties in construction of irrigation projects in Andhra. But why irregularities, corruption, delays in Telangana projects?

54) Mahabubnagar 35lakhs population, migration 14 lakhs, 350km of Krishna stretch, there is no drinking water or irrigation water.

55) How many JNTU colleges should be there in 10 dist of Telangana, if 2 are in 4 districts of Rayalaseema ?

56) AP dairy buys milk from farmers from Andhra Rs 24.30, Telangana Rs 22.30

57) 450 tribal villages, millions of tons of limestone, rich minerals, lot of natural biodiversity…are going to submerge if Polavaram project is built

58) Telangana is bigger than 24 states. Total official countries in the world are 194. Telangana will be bigger than 160 countries.

59) Seemandhra revenue 38.5% - Expenditure 49%, Telangana revenue 61.5% Expenditure 51%

60) Jallianwala bagh, General Dyer, 1919 yr - 379 shot dead. Telangana, Kasu Brahmananda Reddy, 1969 - 370 students shot dead.

61) WHO declared Nalgonda dist affected with fluorisis so much that it is moving towards No Man Zone.

62) While merging with Andhra leaders agreed to continue Mulki rules in Telangana. As per this 100% employees in Telangana should be from Telangana only.

63) Nizam formulated mulki rules in 1919, a person to get job in they must be Telangana from 15yrs,but now Andhra rulers reduced the period to 4yrs.

64) Seemandhrites got 28000 jobs in Telangana by getting bogus mulki certificates between 1956-1968. Between 1975 to 1985 again 58000 by violating presidential order.

65) In 1969 students/employees agitated against 28000 jobs by Andhra. Andhra rulers killed 370 students.

66) In 1972, Andhra rulers managed to cancel supreme court judgment by parliament, then 6 point formula was introduced for jobs. As per this formula Telangana split into zone 5, zone 6.

67) As per presidential order Telangana people should get reservation 80% dist posts,70% zonal posts, 60% Gazetted posts. Remaining 20%,30%,40% shall be open to other regions – what’s happening now ?

68) In 1985, 610 GO for transfer of 58000 employs from Telangana, but this GO is never implemented. That too 610 GO is restricted to 102 departments only, out of 250 govt departments.

69) In 2001, Chandra Babu Naidu (CM) appointed Girglani Commission which submitted report in 2004, that 2 lakh Seemandhra employs are working in Telangana.

70) Only 23% Singareni coal is used in Telangana. Remaining 77% is being drained out to other places.

71) Per Capita Funds allocation to Student in universities.
SV University - Rs. 37500, Andhra University - Rs 35500
SK University - Rs 25000, Nagarjuna University - Rs 22700
OU - Rs 17400, K.U - Rs 14000

72) Cultivation land (Lakh Acres) Before 1956, Andhra 30.65, Telangana 18.20 In 2004, Andhra 69.27, Telangana 18.00

73) Andhrites love for Hyd is like Pakistan’s love for Kashmir. They are ready to go to any extent to capture it.

74) Kothagudem thermal power station sabotaged on purpose to obtain repair contracts to Andhra contractors in 1978, this is confirmed in single man commission (Sundar Ramaiah commission – 1979)

75) All APSEB scams occurred so far at high level in board are targeted towards Telangana power supply and distribution, never to Andhra or Rayalaseema region. Higher officials found guilty by Vimal Lal commission, the recommendation were never implemented.

76) Technically it is possible to develop water grid to benefit Telangana, Rayalaseema and Andhra regions – it would match in comparison with Mississippi river water system (USA), Three Gorges river system (China),Nile river (Aswan dam) Africa and Rhine river system Europe. Similar models were conceived by intellectuals but are trashed by Andhra rulers and pseudo intellectuals because they will benefit Telangana.

77) 1969 - after Jai Telangana movement 'All Party Accord' was formulated, scrapped within 6 months. Than 8-point formula, 5-point formula were announced. then supreme court upheld Mulki rules. Andhra elites could not digest it, launched Jai Andhra movement. Central govt yielded as usual to elites tactics, then 6-point formula. Even this is being violated royally many times, robbing Telangana its rightfulness.

78) Nagarjuna Sagar initially meant to benefit Andhra and Telangana. Later on it is modified in such a way that 75% of the benefit is accruing to Andhra reducing the share of Telangana region to just 25%. Andhra settlers own 50% of these 25% utilization lands.

79) Singur project was originally designed to meet primarily the irrigation needs of Medak and Nizamabad districts. But it is now solely used for meeting the requirements of capital city.

80) Jurala Project which is the first project on river Krishna meant for Telangana,
is the smallest of all the projects built on this river. The Bachawat Tribunal allocated just 17.5 TMC ft. water for this project, and the state government reduced its storage capacity to 60% ft. But the actual utilization so far has not been more than 10%

81) Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme, was to irrigate 87500 acres in Mahabubnagar. The Bachawat Tribunal also allocated 15.90 TMC ft. of water for this project. This water has to pass through a canal in Raichur district of Karnataka State. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh landlords of Rayalaseema blasted the gates with bombs and diverted water to their land. Since then Govt never even tried to reconstruct the gates.

82) Devadula Project, provides water for 5 lakh acres, was promised to be finished in 5 yrs in 2001, yet to begin work. The funniest fact is, Sriram sagar is yet to be completed for last 40 yrs which provides water for just 4 lakh acres. Telangana people are supposed to believe the promise.

83) Two major projects proposed on river Godavari are Ichampally and Polavaram. Ichampally is meant for Telangana and Polavaram for Andhra.The irrigation potential of Polavaram Project would be 6 to 7 times more than the irrigation potential of Ichampally. Ichampally is going to be primarily a power project not a irrigation project !

84) Andhra lands are irrigated by canal irrigation i.e. with tax payer’s money. Andhra farmer pays Rs 200 - 300 per annum as water charges. Telangana lands are irrigated by bore wells, entire cost is on the farmer . Digging, power, bore well, motor, pipes. He struggles with fluctuations in power supplies with irregularities and pathetic power distribution pattern in Telangana.

85) Technological University was actually started in Warangal but was shifted to Hyderabad, Open University was originally Nalgonda district but was later shifted Hyd. The same state level universities University of Health Sciences, Mahila University and the University of Dravidian Languages were allowed to stay in Seemandhra - not moved to Capital city.

86) Twelve milk chilling plants established by the erstwhile Telangana Regional Committee in different parts of Telangana have been abruptly closed down showing lack of funds as a reason.

87) Ramagundam is in heart of coal belt … Fertilizer plant is closed showing areason as poor quality of coal. NTPC is running with same coal, VTPS is running with same coal. Subsequently, Fertilizer plants are started in Nellore and Andhra.

88) Based on the proportionality at least 40% of jobs, i.e. 6 lakhs, should have gone to Telangana. But the total number of jobs now occupied by them is less than 3 lakhs.

89) 1972, PV Narasimha Rao made an attempt to implement the verdict of Supreme Court validating the Mulki Rules. The verdict was in favor of Telangana. Seemandhra gave outrageous reaction, he lost his Chief Ministership.

91) Daily wage workers working in industries – from Andhra (9 districts) 3.16 lakhs, from Rayalaseema (4 districts)– 0.7 lakhs, Telangana (10 district) 0.81 lakhs.

92) Andhra controlled media never highlighted migration of 15 lakh people out of 24lakh population from Mahabubnagar due to draught conditions. T. Anjaiah CM of AP from Telangana region was presented as a buffoon in dailies and cartoons.

93) At the time of merger Andhra leaders persuaded Telangana leaders by offering many safeguards against exploitation. They also passed a Unanimous Resolution’ in November 1955 in Andhra Assembly in support of safeguards and subsequently they put these safeguards in an Agreement on 20th February. 1956 which is known as “Gentlemen’s Agreement”. All are trashed soon after the agreement is signed.

94) Proportional representation says Telangana should get 42% jobs in the Secretariat, but only 9% are working now. How can a people representative, MLA, MLC can get a work done if 91% do not help ?

95) Metro Rail project is being designed dilapidating 5000 shops, 2500 houses,147 schools, 120 hospitals, 60 Temples/Masjid/Churches. Historical monuments will disappear. All shops and complexes throughout Metro rail route are with Seemandhra thugs.

96) 1947 India got Independence. 1948 Indian Army did police action to dethrone Nizam. Hyd state existed from 1949 to 1956. Telangana merged with Andhra against its wishes in1956. Telangana has nothing to do with Potti Sriramulu.

97) Telangana Sayudha Poratam, (Telangana armed struggle) was against Nizam facist rule, 4000 people died - inspired all subsequent land movements in West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura and paved way for formation of Communist governments in those States. This is never acknowledged by Seemandhra rulers so far.

98) Despite 69% Krishna, 79% Godavari flows through Telangana, irrigation cost is Rs.1500/acre. 13% of Krishna, 21% Godavari flows through Andhra irrigation cost is Rs.150/acre.

99) Per capita income of Madhya Pradesh: Rs 18,051. Chattisgarh formed in 2000. Per capita income of Chhattisgarh in 2008-09 - Rs. 29,621. Recently formed smaller states are catching up with Haryana is 71%, Himachal is 81% and Uttarakhand is 75% - now Jharkhand 58%, Chhattisgarh 63%. Also, Infant mortality UP 67%, Uttarakhand 44%.

100) year 2008 Targeted growth rate & achieved: bigger states: MP 7% - 4.3%; UP 7.6% - 4.6%; Bihar 6.2% 4.7% smaller states: Chhattisgarh 6.1% - 9.2%; Jharkhand 6.9% - 11.1% Uttaranchal 6.8% - 8.8%

101) Since 1956 to date, the additional irrigation potential created in Telangana is only 5%

102) There are 10,000+ Industrial units in Telangana, 1200 are owned by Telanganites, 6500 are owned by Seemandhra, rest are by outsiders.

103) Proportionally Telangana should be given about 43% in budget allocation, Since 1953, it never exceeded 30%. Yet Telangana contributes 42% of revenue to the state exchequer.

104) Nizamsagar was built in 1931 to serve Nizamabad and Medak about 2.7 lakh acres of land. It was neglected for maintenance and improvements, now satellite images prove that all its 83 tributaries, 243 distributaries have been silted up and eroded. World bank sanctioned 30 crores for the project, which was never spent. The project now going to be almost useless.

105) In Andhra region every year two crops are cultivated because of water availability, in Telangana a single crop will be cultivated with great difficulty.

106) Technical institutions wise, 26 are in Telangana, 54 are in Andhra. 20 polytechnics in Telangana, 70 in Andhra. 2 Medical colleges in Telangana, 6 in Andhra.

107) British build Railways, Administrative Services, Post and Telegraph, installed democratic institutions, judiciary, rule of law, and built the cities of Kolkata, Mumbai and Chennai, and New Delhi. British did not claim any of these when they had to leave India. Seemandhra are making big hue and cry clamoring for Hyderabad claiming they have built the city. In 400 yrs of Hyderabad history, how many years did they contribute the 'development' ?

108) Hyderabad - demographic expansion can never be considered as a development. It’s natural growth. It is like a girl who is 10 yrs now will attain 15yrs of age after 5 yrs – can we call it development ? Also, its not just Hyd which is developed … all big/medium cities in India are in development path.

KCR on his way to form the telangana state asks Centre to form Telangana immediately

Declaring that the "battle" for separate Telangana has begun, TRS president K Chandrasekhar Rao today asked the Centre to take steps for formation of the separate state immediately. Claiming there is a "constitutional crisis" in the state in the wake of the resignations of almost all ministers and MLAs from Telangana, Rao asked the Centre to initiate the process for the formation of Telangana.

"In view of the strong demand for Telangana, the central government should grant the separate state immediately", he told reporters after the first meeting of the Joint Action Committee comprising leaders cutting across party lines from Telangana here tonight. The JAC discussed ways to intensify the agitation for Telangana state at its first meeting today.

At the closed-door meeting, TRS is understood to have mooted a proposal to fix a deadline for bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh but there was no statement on record from the leaders to this effect.

Comment on Telangana State Formation

As a Telugu people we should comment on the present scenario of Telangana state and bring this to each and every person we know and contribute our part also. Since now everybody believes this moment to be a peoples moment rather than a political moment, So whoever believes or not believes, both the comments are to be made in order to have a clear picture of the state and bring more awareness to our people. Lets do this for a good cause

Adilabad

History

The district derives its name from Adilabad, its headquarters town which was named after the ruler of Bijapur, Ali Adil Shah. The district was for long not a homogenius unit and its component parts were ruled at different periods by nasties namely, the Mauryas,Staavahanas, Vakatakas,Chaludyasof Badami, Rashtrakututs, Chalukyas of Kalyani, Mughals,Bhosle Rajes of Nagpur and Asaf Jahis, besides the Gond Rajas of Sirpur and Chanda.Originally this was not full fledged district but a sub-district named Sirpur-Tandur which was created in A.D. 1872 with Edlabad(Adilabad), Rajura and Sirpur as its consistuents talukas.In 1905 the status of this sub-district was raised to that of an independent district with head quarters at Adilabad.

Geography

The district was situated between 77.46' and 80.01' ,of the eastern longitudes and 18.40' and 19.56', of northern latitudes.The district is bounded on north by Yeotmal and Chanda district of Maharastra, on the east by Chanda district, on the south by Karimnagar and Nizamabad districts and on the west by Nanded district of Maharastra State. The district has population of 2079098 which accounts for 3.13% of the total population of the State. It is however takes the fifth rank in area with an extent of 16128 SU kms.Which account for 5.90% of the total area of the State. It is however,the second largest district in the Telangana of the inhabited and 167 unihabited village and 11 Towns.

             The District Comprises of 52 Mandals and 1743 villages of which 1557 villages are inhabited and 186 villages are un-inhabitated. There are 7 Muncipalities in the District. The District is conveniently formed into 5 divisions 1)Adilabad , 2) Nirmal ,3)Utnoor, 4)Asifabad,5)Mancherial.

Climate

The climate of the district is characterized by hot summer and in generally dry except during the south-west monsoon season. The year may be divided into four seasons. The cold season from December to February is followed by the summer season from March to May. The period from june to september constitute the south west monsoon season, while October and November from the postmonsoon season. The rainfall in the district, in general increases from the south-west towards the north east. About 85% of annual rainfall is received during the south-west monsoon season. July being the peak rainy month. The variation in the Annual rainfall from year is not large.The normal Annual rainfall of the district is 1044.5m.m.

There is a meterological obervatory, station at headquarters Adilabad. The cold weather commences towards the end of November when the temperature begins to fall rapidly. December is generally the coldest month, with the mean daily maximum temprature at about 29 C and the mininum daily is 15 C. The relative humidities are high generally during the south-west monsoon season. The air is generally dry during the rest of the year, the district part of the year being the summer season when the humidity in the afternoon is 25%.

During the south-west monsoon season the sky is heavily clouded.There is rapid decrease of cloudings the post-monsoon season. In the rest year the sky is mostly clear of light clouded. Winds are light to moderate with some strengthening in the period from May to August. During the post-monsoon and cold season, winds blow mostly from the east or north-east. By March, south westerlies and westerlies start blowing and continue during the rest of summer. The sought west monsoon season winds are mostly from directions between south-west and north west. 

Population

The Population of the district according to 2001 census is 24,79,347 of which the rural population accounts for 18,23,004 or 73.52% of the total, while the urban population accoutns for 6,56,343 forming 26.48% of the total population. The increase in population during decennial ending 1991 over 1981 is 26.85% , which is higher that that of the state. The female population is less namely , 980 females for every 1000 males. The density of population of the district is 129 persons per sq.km. as against the State average of 241 persons per sq.km. out of the total population of the district, 3.86 Lakhs persons are scheduled castes and 3.55 Lakhs persons are scheduled Tribes forming 18.57% and 17.08% of the total population respectively.

     The total No. Of workers is 9,34,3365 constituting 44.93% of the total population as against the state average of 45.27% out of the total main workers, cultivators from 34.09% Agricultural laboureres from 34.88%. The literate persons in Adilabad district are 5,78,226 forming 27.80% of the total population as against the state average if 37.8. The percentage of literacy in the district increased from 18.79% in 1981 to 27.80 in 1991. It is lower that the state average which increased from 30% in 1981 to 37.58% in 1991.